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美國(guó)新工業(yè)革命催生采購(gòu)經(jīng)濟(jì),有可能加劇種族財(cái)富差距

當(dāng)前供應(yīng)商渠道面臨著迫在眉睫的挑戰(zhàn),解決這一問題將帶來巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)回報(bào)。

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12月6日,臺(tái)積電在亞利桑那州鳳凰城新建的工廠。圖片來源:CAITLIN O'HARA - BLOOMBERG - GETTY IMAGES

美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正經(jīng)歷兩場(chǎng)工業(yè)革命,而不是一場(chǎng)。第一場(chǎng)驅(qū)動(dòng)因素包括數(shù)字技術(shù)、無線寬帶和當(dāng)前的生成式人工智能。第二場(chǎng)則由大規(guī)模公共和私人投資推動(dòng),包括基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施升級(jí)、凈零轉(zhuǎn)型,以及從計(jì)算機(jī)芯片到電動(dòng)汽車和電池的先進(jìn)制造業(yè)向美國(guó)回流。

媒體和決策者都很關(guān)注大公司的選址和投資決策。然而,革命不僅關(guān)乎英特爾(Intel)或西門子(Siemens)等大公司,與成千上萬為政府提供商品和服務(wù)的中小型企業(yè),以及獲得政府合同或補(bǔ)貼的大公司同樣相關(guān)。這正是所謂“新采購(gòu)經(jīng)濟(jì)”的承諾和挑戰(zhàn)。

熟悉的大公司

盡管各界對(duì)美國(guó)產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型帶來的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)討論甚多,卻極少關(guān)注到當(dāng)前是打造能掌控未來經(jīng)濟(jì),新一代活躍又成功的多種所有制小企業(yè)的好機(jī)會(huì)。

能源轉(zhuǎn)型便是一例,轉(zhuǎn)型涉及大量中小型企業(yè)。公共和私營(yíng)公用事業(yè)將尋求本地建筑公司完成電網(wǎng)和輸電線路現(xiàn)代化項(xiàng)目,以及新的太陽能和風(fēng)電場(chǎng)支持電氣化。汽車和電池制造商正建立并重組供應(yīng)鏈以支持電動(dòng)汽車生產(chǎn)。大量商業(yè)、住宅和公共建筑要采取能效改造。種種轉(zhuǎn)變都意味著未來幾年數(shù)十億美元的商業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

新型工業(yè)涉及各種規(guī)模的建筑、設(shè)計(jì)、工程和技術(shù)公司,以及軟件和其他服務(wù)企業(yè)。然而,公共基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目主要由知名的大公司把控。行業(yè)數(shù)據(jù)顯示,2022年交通、電力和工業(yè)建筑行業(yè)前20大承包公司的收入占據(jù)的市場(chǎng)份額為56%至82%。新冠疫情前車之鑒顯示,除了影響公平,過度依賴少數(shù)主要供應(yīng)商還會(huì)造成長(zhǎng)期風(fēng)險(xiǎn),其中包括增加成本和全國(guó)性重要項(xiàng)目的延誤。

市場(chǎng)力量和空前龐大的聯(lián)邦政府支出重新關(guān)注利用公共和私人投資發(fā)展各種小企業(yè),特別是非裔和西班牙裔掌握的企業(yè)。然而,如果不解決嚴(yán)峻的經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)實(shí),就無法實(shí)現(xiàn)重要目標(biāo)。

新冠疫情橫掃了各行各業(yè)小企業(yè),不僅零售業(yè)或酒店業(yè)受創(chuàng)。由于供應(yīng)鏈中斷、材料和勞動(dòng)力短缺以及通脹走高,中小型建筑和制造公司仍在努力擺脫疫情期間的缺口和財(cái)務(wù)損失。

疫情導(dǎo)致的挫折和倒閉潮也提醒人們,企業(yè)所有權(quán)存在明顯的種族差異。根據(jù)美國(guó)人口調(diào)查局的數(shù)據(jù),2020年非裔和西班牙裔雇主公司分別僅占所有公司的2%和8%。在有望實(shí)現(xiàn)巨大增長(zhǎng)的建筑、制造和公用事業(yè)行業(yè)中,少數(shù)族裔的公司占比更低。非裔公司尤其稀缺,在三個(gè)行業(yè)的公司中占比不到1%。

盡管房地產(chǎn)或金融投資領(lǐng)域的種族差距廣泛且持久,商業(yè)財(cái)富方面的種族差距則更加明顯。白人家庭的房地產(chǎn)財(cái)富約是非裔或西班牙裔家庭的十幾倍,私人商業(yè)資產(chǎn)財(cái)富方面是非裔或拉美裔家庭的三十多倍。反過來,從機(jī)會(huì)的角度來看,非裔企業(yè)家家庭的財(cái)富是無企業(yè)家庭的12倍。

由于近日美國(guó)最高法院關(guān)于高等教育平權(quán)行動(dòng)的裁決,以及隨后的7月聯(lián)邦地區(qū)法院限制幫助少數(shù)族裔企業(yè)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)政府合同的聯(lián)邦計(jì)劃的裁決,獲得相關(guān)權(quán)利顯得更加重要。

供應(yīng)商渠道面臨著巨大挑戰(zhàn)。新型采購(gòu)經(jīng)濟(jì)除了符合目標(biāo)的資本,也需要認(rèn)真的改革。聯(lián)邦投資分散地流向公共當(dāng)局和機(jī)構(gòu),每個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)都存在難應(yīng)付的規(guī)則、定義和實(shí)踐,給小企業(yè)造成了巨大負(fù)擔(dān)。推動(dòng)企業(yè)發(fā)展的公共機(jī)構(gòu)跟商會(huì)、金融機(jī)構(gòu)和創(chuàng)業(yè)支持團(tuán)體之間的合作極少。傳統(tǒng)上供應(yīng)商多元化更偏重法律合規(guī),容易忽略業(yè)務(wù)建設(shè)或包容性增長(zhǎng)。金融產(chǎn)品沒有解決少數(shù)族裔和女性企業(yè)主面臨的明顯劣勢(shì),例如資本儲(chǔ)備不足和傳統(tǒng)抵押品欠缺等等。

解決供應(yīng)商渠道難題

為迎接新時(shí)刻,要從多角度解決問題。

首先,要轉(zhuǎn)變各級(jí)公共采購(gòu)和承包方式,確保最大限度地納入小型、本地和多元化企業(yè)。哈佛大學(xué)政府績(jī)效實(shí)驗(yàn)室(Government Performance Lab at Harvard University)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施公平項(xiàng)目(Equity in Infrastructure Project)等專家一直在努力推動(dòng)實(shí)現(xiàn)該目標(biāo)。全美城市聯(lián)盟(National Urban League,長(zhǎng)期倡導(dǎo)公平合同的重要性)、全美非裔商會(huì)(National Black Chamber of Commerce)和美國(guó)西班牙裔商會(huì)(United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce)也一樣。他們需要更多支持。

其次,大型私營(yíng)公司應(yīng)該調(diào)查采購(gòu)情況,增加本地采購(gòu)。制造業(yè)公司正投資可改變整個(gè)地區(qū)的數(shù)千億美元項(xiàng)目,但供應(yīng)商關(guān)系往往遍布全球,并未參與美國(guó)本地經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。

第三,要建立新的公私合作伙伴關(guān)系以支持整個(gè)地區(qū)的中小企業(yè),大幅降低購(gòu)買方、資本提供方和現(xiàn)有小企業(yè)發(fā)展計(jì)劃(其中很多計(jì)劃從來不提供行業(yè)或針對(duì)采購(gòu)的培訓(xùn)或輔導(dǎo))割裂的狀況。

從圣安東尼奧和埃爾帕索到芝加哥和費(fèi)城,德雷塞爾大學(xué)諾瓦克大都會(huì)金融實(shí)驗(yàn)室(Nowak Metro Finance Lab at Drexel University)、阿斯彭研究所拉丁裔和社會(huì)項(xiàng)目(Aspen Institute’s Latinos and Society program)和Next Street等組織一直在推動(dòng)在美國(guó)市場(chǎng)建立此類合作關(guān)系,開發(fā)數(shù)字中樞和其他必要工具,推動(dòng)成為可供機(jī)構(gòu)買家和供應(yīng)商使用的市場(chǎng)。

第四,需要更多分析和融資,從而發(fā)現(xiàn)小公司的機(jī)會(huì)并確定新的支持形式,特別是適合供應(yīng)商(初創(chuàng)公司和成長(zhǎng)型公司)的資本。高利率和最近銀行倒閉導(dǎo)致貸款機(jī)構(gòu)愈發(fā)厭惡風(fēng)險(xiǎn),導(dǎo)致出現(xiàn)信貸緊縮——這與實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮所需條件背道而馳。有一些靈活金融產(chǎn)品適合有成長(zhǎng)機(jī)會(huì)的小公司,例如創(chuàng)立于圣地亞哥如今也在芝加哥和達(dá)拉斯市場(chǎng)經(jīng)營(yíng)的Founders First Capital Partners提供的供應(yīng)鏈融資或基于收入融資的產(chǎn)品就需要更多試驗(yàn)和更廣泛應(yīng)用,不應(yīng)限制。聯(lián)邦政府正提供幫助,通過州小企業(yè)信貸倡議等項(xiàng)目為融資困難的企業(yè)提供靈活資本。私營(yíng)企業(yè)、銀行和慈善機(jī)構(gòu)也通過經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì)聯(lián)盟(Economic Opportunity Coalition)動(dòng)員資本。

當(dāng)務(wù)之急非常明確。除了推動(dòng)買方提升包容性和創(chuàng)新性,還要以更公平的方式,更大規(guī)模地對(duì)中小型供應(yīng)商進(jìn)行更具戰(zhàn)略性的投資。實(shí)現(xiàn)目標(biāo)需要在新思維指導(dǎo)下開展改革、籌資和合作。

當(dāng)前供應(yīng)商渠道面臨著迫在眉睫的挑戰(zhàn),不過解決這一問題將帶來巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)回報(bào)。新的工業(yè)時(shí)刻提供了20世紀(jì)40年代戰(zhàn)時(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)動(dòng)員以來前所未有的機(jī)會(huì),切莫浪費(fèi)時(shí)間。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

澤維爾·德·蘇扎·布里格斯(Xavier de Souza Briggs)是布魯金斯學(xué)會(huì)(Brookings Institution)高級(jí)研究員,非裔資產(chǎn)評(píng)估倡議參與者,也是What Works Plus資助者合作組織的高級(jí)顧問。

查理斯·科納南·約翰遜(Charisse Conanan Johnson)是Next Street的聯(lián)席首席執(zhí)行官,也是摩根大通資產(chǎn)管理公司(JPMorgan Asset Management)前副總裁。

布魯斯·卡茨(Bruce Katz)是德雷塞爾大學(xué)諾瓦克大都會(huì)金融實(shí)驗(yàn)室的創(chuàng)始主任,合著有《新地方主義》(The New Localism)一書。

Fortune.com上評(píng)論文章中表達(dá)的觀點(diǎn)僅代表作者個(gè)人觀點(diǎn),并不代表《財(cái)富》雜志的觀點(diǎn)和立場(chǎng)。

譯者:梁宇

審校:夏林

美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)正經(jīng)歷兩場(chǎng)工業(yè)革命,而不是一場(chǎng)。第一場(chǎng)驅(qū)動(dòng)因素包括數(shù)字技術(shù)、無線寬帶和當(dāng)前的生成式人工智能。第二場(chǎng)則由大規(guī)模公共和私人投資推動(dòng),包括基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施升級(jí)、凈零轉(zhuǎn)型,以及從計(jì)算機(jī)芯片到電動(dòng)汽車和電池的先進(jìn)制造業(yè)向美國(guó)回流。

媒體和決策者都很關(guān)注大公司的選址和投資決策。然而,革命不僅關(guān)乎英特爾(Intel)或西門子(Siemens)等大公司,與成千上萬為政府提供商品和服務(wù)的中小型企業(yè),以及獲得政府合同或補(bǔ)貼的大公司同樣相關(guān)。這正是所謂“新采購(gòu)經(jīng)濟(jì)”的承諾和挑戰(zhàn)。

熟悉的大公司

盡管各界對(duì)美國(guó)產(chǎn)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型帶來的就業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)討論甚多,卻極少關(guān)注到當(dāng)前是打造能掌控未來經(jīng)濟(jì),新一代活躍又成功的多種所有制小企業(yè)的好機(jī)會(huì)。

能源轉(zhuǎn)型便是一例,轉(zhuǎn)型涉及大量中小型企業(yè)。公共和私營(yíng)公用事業(yè)將尋求本地建筑公司完成電網(wǎng)和輸電線路現(xiàn)代化項(xiàng)目,以及新的太陽能和風(fēng)電場(chǎng)支持電氣化。汽車和電池制造商正建立并重組供應(yīng)鏈以支持電動(dòng)汽車生產(chǎn)。大量商業(yè)、住宅和公共建筑要采取能效改造。種種轉(zhuǎn)變都意味著未來幾年數(shù)十億美元的商業(yè)機(jī)會(huì)。

新型工業(yè)涉及各種規(guī)模的建筑、設(shè)計(jì)、工程和技術(shù)公司,以及軟件和其他服務(wù)企業(yè)。然而,公共基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目主要由知名的大公司把控。行業(yè)數(shù)據(jù)顯示,2022年交通、電力和工業(yè)建筑行業(yè)前20大承包公司的收入占據(jù)的市場(chǎng)份額為56%至82%。新冠疫情前車之鑒顯示,除了影響公平,過度依賴少數(shù)主要供應(yīng)商還會(huì)造成長(zhǎng)期風(fēng)險(xiǎn),其中包括增加成本和全國(guó)性重要項(xiàng)目的延誤。

市場(chǎng)力量和空前龐大的聯(lián)邦政府支出重新關(guān)注利用公共和私人投資發(fā)展各種小企業(yè),特別是非裔和西班牙裔掌握的企業(yè)。然而,如果不解決嚴(yán)峻的經(jīng)濟(jì)現(xiàn)實(shí),就無法實(shí)現(xiàn)重要目標(biāo)。

新冠疫情橫掃了各行各業(yè)小企業(yè),不僅零售業(yè)或酒店業(yè)受創(chuàng)。由于供應(yīng)鏈中斷、材料和勞動(dòng)力短缺以及通脹走高,中小型建筑和制造公司仍在努力擺脫疫情期間的缺口和財(cái)務(wù)損失。

疫情導(dǎo)致的挫折和倒閉潮也提醒人們,企業(yè)所有權(quán)存在明顯的種族差異。根據(jù)美國(guó)人口調(diào)查局的數(shù)據(jù),2020年非裔和西班牙裔雇主公司分別僅占所有公司的2%和8%。在有望實(shí)現(xiàn)巨大增長(zhǎng)的建筑、制造和公用事業(yè)行業(yè)中,少數(shù)族裔的公司占比更低。非裔公司尤其稀缺,在三個(gè)行業(yè)的公司中占比不到1%。

盡管房地產(chǎn)或金融投資領(lǐng)域的種族差距廣泛且持久,商業(yè)財(cái)富方面的種族差距則更加明顯。白人家庭的房地產(chǎn)財(cái)富約是非裔或西班牙裔家庭的十幾倍,私人商業(yè)資產(chǎn)財(cái)富方面是非裔或拉美裔家庭的三十多倍。反過來,從機(jī)會(huì)的角度來看,非裔企業(yè)家家庭的財(cái)富是無企業(yè)家庭的12倍。

由于近日美國(guó)最高法院關(guān)于高等教育平權(quán)行動(dòng)的裁決,以及隨后的7月聯(lián)邦地區(qū)法院限制幫助少數(shù)族裔企業(yè)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)政府合同的聯(lián)邦計(jì)劃的裁決,獲得相關(guān)權(quán)利顯得更加重要。

供應(yīng)商渠道面臨著巨大挑戰(zhàn)。新型采購(gòu)經(jīng)濟(jì)除了符合目標(biāo)的資本,也需要認(rèn)真的改革。聯(lián)邦投資分散地流向公共當(dāng)局和機(jī)構(gòu),每個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)都存在難應(yīng)付的規(guī)則、定義和實(shí)踐,給小企業(yè)造成了巨大負(fù)擔(dān)。推動(dòng)企業(yè)發(fā)展的公共機(jī)構(gòu)跟商會(huì)、金融機(jī)構(gòu)和創(chuàng)業(yè)支持團(tuán)體之間的合作極少。傳統(tǒng)上供應(yīng)商多元化更偏重法律合規(guī),容易忽略業(yè)務(wù)建設(shè)或包容性增長(zhǎng)。金融產(chǎn)品沒有解決少數(shù)族裔和女性企業(yè)主面臨的明顯劣勢(shì),例如資本儲(chǔ)備不足和傳統(tǒng)抵押品欠缺等等。

解決供應(yīng)商渠道難題

為迎接新時(shí)刻,要從多角度解決問題。

首先,要轉(zhuǎn)變各級(jí)公共采購(gòu)和承包方式,確保最大限度地納入小型、本地和多元化企業(yè)。哈佛大學(xué)政府績(jī)效實(shí)驗(yàn)室(Government Performance Lab at Harvard University)和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施公平項(xiàng)目(Equity in Infrastructure Project)等專家一直在努力推動(dòng)實(shí)現(xiàn)該目標(biāo)。全美城市聯(lián)盟(National Urban League,長(zhǎng)期倡導(dǎo)公平合同的重要性)、全美非裔商會(huì)(National Black Chamber of Commerce)和美國(guó)西班牙裔商會(huì)(United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce)也一樣。他們需要更多支持。

其次,大型私營(yíng)公司應(yīng)該調(diào)查采購(gòu)情況,增加本地采購(gòu)。制造業(yè)公司正投資可改變整個(gè)地區(qū)的數(shù)千億美元項(xiàng)目,但供應(yīng)商關(guān)系往往遍布全球,并未參與美國(guó)本地經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展。

第三,要建立新的公私合作伙伴關(guān)系以支持整個(gè)地區(qū)的中小企業(yè),大幅降低購(gòu)買方、資本提供方和現(xiàn)有小企業(yè)發(fā)展計(jì)劃(其中很多計(jì)劃從來不提供行業(yè)或針對(duì)采購(gòu)的培訓(xùn)或輔導(dǎo))割裂的狀況。

從圣安東尼奧和埃爾帕索到芝加哥和費(fèi)城,德雷塞爾大學(xué)諾瓦克大都會(huì)金融實(shí)驗(yàn)室(Nowak Metro Finance Lab at Drexel University)、阿斯彭研究所拉丁裔和社會(huì)項(xiàng)目(Aspen Institute’s Latinos and Society program)和Next Street等組織一直在推動(dòng)在美國(guó)市場(chǎng)建立此類合作關(guān)系,開發(fā)數(shù)字中樞和其他必要工具,推動(dòng)成為可供機(jī)構(gòu)買家和供應(yīng)商使用的市場(chǎng)。

第四,需要更多分析和融資,從而發(fā)現(xiàn)小公司的機(jī)會(huì)并確定新的支持形式,特別是適合供應(yīng)商(初創(chuàng)公司和成長(zhǎng)型公司)的資本。高利率和最近銀行倒閉導(dǎo)致貸款機(jī)構(gòu)愈發(fā)厭惡風(fēng)險(xiǎn),導(dǎo)致出現(xiàn)信貸緊縮——這與實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮所需條件背道而馳。有一些靈活金融產(chǎn)品適合有成長(zhǎng)機(jī)會(huì)的小公司,例如創(chuàng)立于圣地亞哥如今也在芝加哥和達(dá)拉斯市場(chǎng)經(jīng)營(yíng)的Founders First Capital Partners提供的供應(yīng)鏈融資或基于收入融資的產(chǎn)品就需要更多試驗(yàn)和更廣泛應(yīng)用,不應(yīng)限制。聯(lián)邦政府正提供幫助,通過州小企業(yè)信貸倡議等項(xiàng)目為融資困難的企業(yè)提供靈活資本。私營(yíng)企業(yè)、銀行和慈善機(jī)構(gòu)也通過經(jīng)濟(jì)機(jī)會(huì)聯(lián)盟(Economic Opportunity Coalition)動(dòng)員資本。

當(dāng)務(wù)之急非常明確。除了推動(dòng)買方提升包容性和創(chuàng)新性,還要以更公平的方式,更大規(guī)模地對(duì)中小型供應(yīng)商進(jìn)行更具戰(zhàn)略性的投資。實(shí)現(xiàn)目標(biāo)需要在新思維指導(dǎo)下開展改革、籌資和合作。

當(dāng)前供應(yīng)商渠道面臨著迫在眉睫的挑戰(zhàn),不過解決這一問題將帶來巨大的經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)回報(bào)。新的工業(yè)時(shí)刻提供了20世紀(jì)40年代戰(zhàn)時(shí)經(jīng)濟(jì)動(dòng)員以來前所未有的機(jī)會(huì),切莫浪費(fèi)時(shí)間。(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))

澤維爾·德·蘇扎·布里格斯(Xavier de Souza Briggs)是布魯金斯學(xué)會(huì)(Brookings Institution)高級(jí)研究員,非裔資產(chǎn)評(píng)估倡議參與者,也是What Works Plus資助者合作組織的高級(jí)顧問。

查理斯·科納南·約翰遜(Charisse Conanan Johnson)是Next Street的聯(lián)席首席執(zhí)行官,也是摩根大通資產(chǎn)管理公司(JPMorgan Asset Management)前副總裁。

布魯斯·卡茨(Bruce Katz)是德雷塞爾大學(xué)諾瓦克大都會(huì)金融實(shí)驗(yàn)室的創(chuàng)始主任,合著有《新地方主義》(The New Localism)一書。

Fortune.com上評(píng)論文章中表達(dá)的觀點(diǎn)僅代表作者個(gè)人觀點(diǎn),并不代表《財(cái)富》雜志的觀點(diǎn)和立場(chǎng)。

譯者:梁宇

審校:夏林

The U.S. economy is now navigating not one but two industrial revolutions. The first was catalyzed by digital technology, wireless broadband, and now generative AI. The second is being fueled by massive public and private investments spanning infrastructure upgrades, the net-zero transition, and a domestic reshoring of advanced manufacturing from computer chips to electric vehicles and batteries.

Media and policymakers alike are focused on the location and investment decisions of large companies. However, the revolution is not just about big companies like Intel or Siemens–it’s also about thousands of small and medium-sized enterprises that supply goods and services to the government or major firms receiving government contracts or subsidies. This is the promise and challenge of what has been labeled the “new procurement economy.”

A familiar cast of large firms

While much has been said about the job opportunities America’s industrial shift presents, far too little attention is being paid to the once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to build a new generation of dynamic and successful small businesses with diverse ownership in sectors that will dominate the next economy.

Take the energy transition, which will implicate a vast number and range of small and medium-sized enterprises. Public and private utilities will be looking to local construction firms to complete grid and transmission line modernization projects and new solar and wind farms to support electrification. Vehicle and battery manufacturers are building and restructuring their supply chains to support the production of electric vehicles. A huge stock of commercial, residential, and public buildings will require energy efficiency retrofits. These shifts represent many billions of dollars in business opportunities in the years ahead.

The new industrial moment implicates construction, design, engineering, and technology firms of all sizes, along with software and other service businesses. Yet public infrastructure projects are dominated by a familiar cast of large firms. In 2022, the top 20 contracting firms in the transportation, power, and industrial construction sectors captured between 56% and 82% of market share by revenue, according to industry data. Beyond the issue of fairness, this overreliance on a small number of major suppliers poses longer-term risks, as the pandemic reminded us, including added costs and delays for vital projects nationwide.

Market forces and unprecedented federal spending have placed a renewed focus on using public and private investments to grow small businesses of all kinds, particularly Black and Hispanic-owned businesses. However, this important goal will not be achieved without addressing serious economic realities.

The COVID-19 pandemic decimated small businesses, and not just those in the retail or hospitality sectors. Due to supply chain disruptions, material and labor shortages, and the added costs of inflation, small and medium-sized construction and manufacturing firms are still recovering from pandemic-related stop-gap measures and financial losses.

Pandemic setbacks and closures also reminded us of stark racial disparities in business ownership. According to the Census Bureau, in 2020, Black and Hispanic-owned employer firms represented just 2% and 8% of all employer firms, respectively. Minority-owned firms are even more under-represented in the construction, manufacturing, and utility industries that are projected for huge growth. Black firms are particularly scarce, representing less than 1% of all employer firms across these three sectors.

The racial gaps in business wealth are already far larger than gaps in ownership of real estate or financial investments, wide and persistent as those are. White households have about a dozen times more real estate wealth than Black or Hispanic households, but more than three dozen times as much wealth in private business assets. Conversely, viewed in terms of opportunity, Black households with an entrepreneur have twelve times the wealth of those without one.

Getting this right is even more important in light of the recent Supreme Court decision on affirmative action in higher education and the subsequent ruling by a federal district court in July limiting a federal program meant to help minority-owned businesses in the competition for government contracts.

We have a big supplier pipeline challenge. The new procurement economy requires serious reforms, in addition to capital that’s fit to purpose. Federal investments flow to a fragmented set of public authorities and agencies, each with its own hard-to-navigate rules, definitions, and practices, which put substantial burdens on small enterprises. Collaboration is rare between public entities and the business chambers, financial institutions, and entrepreneurial support groups that help firms grow. Supplier diversity efforts have traditionally focused on legalistic compliance rather than business building or inclusive growth. Financial products do not address the well-documented disadvantages of minority and women business owners, such as thin capital reserves and lack of traditional collateral.

Addressing the supplier pipeline challenge

To meet this moment, we need to tackle the problem from multiple angles.

First, we need to transform public purchasing and contracting at all levels to ensure small, local, and diverse businesses are included to the maximum extent possible. Experts including the Government Performance Lab at Harvard University and the Equity in Infrastructure Project have been working to do just that. So have the National Urban League (a longtime voice on the importance of equitable contracting), the National Black Chamber of Commerce, and the United States Hispanic Chamber of Commerce. They need more support.

Second, large private companies should look into their procurement and expand local sourcing. Manufacturing corporations are investing hundreds of billions of dollars in projects that can transform entire regions–but they are also bringing global supplier relationships along and are not yet engaged in local economic development in the U.S.

Third, we need to build new public-private partnerships to support small and medium-sized enterprises across entire regions, dramatically reducing the fragmentation that exists across purchasers, capital providers, and established small business development programs (many of which do not provide sector or procurement-specific training or coaching at all).

From San Antonio and El Paso to Chicago and Philadelphia, groups such as the Nowak Metro Finance Lab at Drexel University, the Aspen Institute’s Latinos and Society program, and Next Street have been facilitating the creation of these kinds of partnerships in markets across the country and developing the digital backbones and other tools required to make them work as effective marketplaces for institutional buyers and suppliers.

Fourth, we need more analysis and financing to scope the opportunities for small firms and identify new forms of support, especially capital suitable for suppliers (both startups and growth companies). High interest rates and recent bank collapses have made lenders more averse to risk, contributing to a credit crunch–the opposite of what’s needed in a building boom. Flexible financial products fit for scalable small firms, such as supply chain financing or revenue-based financing provided by Founders First Capital Partners–which began in San Diego and now works in the Chicago and Dallas markets too–need more experimentation and broader adoption, not less. The federal government is helping, working to offer flexible capital for underserved businesses through programs such as the State Small Business Credit Initiative. Private corporations, banks, and philanthropies are also mobilizing capital through the Economic Opportunity Coalition.

The imperatives we face are clear. In addition to making buyer practices more inclusive and innovative, we need to invest more strategically in developing small and medium-sized suppliers, in a deeply equitable way and on a dramatically larger scale. This demands reform, funding, and collaboration, powered by a new mindset.

We are facing a looming supplier pipeline challenge–but tackling it would have huge economic and social payoffs. This new industrial moment offers an opportunity we have not seen since the wartime economic mobilization of the 1940s–and there’s no time to lose.

Xavier de Souza Briggs is a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, part of its Valuing Black Assets Initiative, and senior advisor to the What Works Plus funder collaborative.

Charisse Conanan Johnson is co-CEO of Next Street and former vice president at JPMorgan Asset Management.

Bruce Katz is the founding director of the Nowak Metro Finance Lab at Drexel University and co-author of The New Localism.

The opinions expressed in Fortune.com commentary pieces are solely the views of their authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and beliefs of Fortune.

財(cái)富中文網(wǎng)所刊載內(nèi)容之知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)為財(cái)富媒體知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)有限公司及/或相關(guān)權(quán)利人專屬所有或持有。未經(jīng)許可,禁止進(jìn)行轉(zhuǎn)載、摘編、復(fù)制及建立鏡像等任何使用。
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