經濟學家兼作家理查德·戴維斯都經歷過,真的,而且經歷過很多次。
2006年到2011年,戴維斯在英格蘭銀行擔任經濟學家。G20和國際貨幣基金組織開會商討歐盟如何應對2008年金融危機時,他曾為英國談判代表提供咨詢。2016次英國退歐選舉期間,他擔任英國財政部長高級顧問。
很顯然,他感覺經歷的混亂還不夠多。離開政府后,戴維斯踏上全球之旅,后來寫成了《極端經濟》(Extreme Economies)一書,該書收集了1月美國公布的9個案例。戴維斯想了解經濟體遭遇困難時為何能成功適應,又為何會失敗。通過寫書,他從海嘯后的印度尼西亞回顧到后工業(yè)時代的格拉斯哥。
“我想尋找本應失敗卻成功存活的經濟,”戴維斯說,“還有本應繁榮卻最終失敗的經濟。”
所以戴維斯一直思考新冠病毒大流行的經濟后果和復蘇前景也就毫不奇怪。他最近一直忙著照顧剛出生的雙胞胎,本次抽出時間分享了一些重要的見解。
市場需要政府,政府也需要市場
“要利用市場,不能讓市場失控?!贝骶S斯說。他在巴拿馬達里安峽地區(qū)考察期間發(fā)現,當地人拼命爭奪木材導致災難性的森林砍伐,因此越發(fā)相信維持平衡的重要性。
“目前最明顯的例子是個人防護用品(PPE)市場?!彼又f。“有些政府只是在指揮,不讓價格信號發(fā)揮作用,結果造成了巨大的混亂。然而如果走另一個極端完全讓市場決定,又會出現像英國一樣的‘價格欺詐’?!?/p>
“激進的弗里德曼主義,也就是完全自由主義的模式顯然是錯誤的,”戴維斯說?!暗帷ど5滤沟募みM主義也行不通。經濟學就是要問:何時能讓市場不受限制地運行,何時應該加以控制?”
不平等威脅到所有人
為了寫《極端經濟》,戴維斯前往一些能說明全球趨勢可能影響所有人的地方考察。為了研究不平等日益嚴重可能導致的后果,他去了智利圣地亞哥,當地超級富人和工薪階層之間的差距相當深遠,不僅阻礙了社會流動,也阻礙了創(chuàng)新和經濟增長。
戴維斯認為新冠病毒為全球對不平等及后果敲響了警鐘?!拔覀円庾R到護士跟醫(yī)生一樣重要,亞馬遜的員工為護士提供裝備也非常重要?!彼f?!拔矣X得這是好事。關于不平等……等疫情過去后會有大討論,因為我們都意識到相互依存的關系?!?/p>
信任是最重要的資產,正面臨風險
戴維斯認為,“社會資本”可能是成功經濟體最容易忽視的因素,尤其是從沖擊中復蘇的經濟體。不管是達里安的無政府狀態(tài),還是圣地亞哥的不平等,都加劇了人們的不信任和疏遠,影響了經濟發(fā)展,而印度尼西亞班達亞齊由于社區(qū)聯系強大,推動當地迅速從2004年海嘯幾乎一片荒廢中恢復。
“社會資本的價值在于能提升其他類型的資本,例如金融資本、實物資本?!彼f?!瓣P鍵是分享。如果社會資本很高,投入一點物質資本會就可以實現提升。如果能搭建本地化的信貸系統,金融信貸可以更穩(wěn)定發(fā)揮作用。社會資本較高的社區(qū)在管理流行病和從中恢復的能力更強?!?/p>
戴維斯說,地震或戰(zhàn)爭中,社區(qū)可以積攢社會資本,因為要團結起來對抗共同的敵人。但他擔心,從新冠危機的發(fā)展來看,可能威脅到從危機中恢復最重要的事。
“目前還沒有戰(zhàn)時心態(tài),”他說。“還存在大量批評,”比如美國零星的反封鎖抗議?!拔覍Ξ斍拔C最擔心的就是,疫情不斷侵蝕社會資本,更廣義地說會侵蝕民族情緒?!?/p>
非正規(guī)經濟至關重要
戴維斯的書還考察了充滿驚人活力的約旦扎塔里難民營。難民營里,在非政府組織建立的限制性援助系統之外,敘利亞難民經營著服裝店、寵物店和臺球場,生意相當繁忙。
“我以前認為非正規(guī)經濟很小眾?!贝骶S斯說?!暗F在我認為,大多數(經濟學家)真正評估的經濟只有實際的一半左右?!边@意味著GDP等官方數據還有經濟學家和央行使用的模型,都無法判斷病毒引發(fā)的全部后果,特別是在發(fā)展中國家。
戴維斯還發(fā)現,非正規(guī)經濟系統也是危機后復蘇的關鍵。他說,危機過后,“充滿機會主義精神的當地人反應迅速,比國際貨幣基金組織等機構要快得多。如果能給人們購買力,他們就會出去買需要的東西,如果買不到,他們會組織鄰近城鎮(zhèn)的企業(yè)家集體采購?!?/p>
錢會變
全球很多政府都迅速采取行動,希望提升人們的購買力。但從美國的小企業(yè)過橋貸款,還有失業(yè)救濟擴大的驚人混亂狀況來看,很多國家確實需要升級正規(guī)金融體系。
“現代的危機應對工具,就是政府知道我們擁有的銀行賬戶?!贝骶S斯說。“而且任何時候都能獲得一定數額的資金。通過注入大量購買力,推動市場恢復正常運轉,援助才可以真正奏效?!?/p>
特殊情況下,不太正規(guī)的金融創(chuàng)新也能蓬勃發(fā)展?!霸谖C時期,”戴維斯說,“人們能迅速建立新貨幣,做好新的財務安排?!崩?,《極端經濟》當中的一章探討了路易斯安那州安哥拉監(jiān)獄的經濟,獄中禁止使用美元后,人們用鯖魚罐頭當貨幣。
戴維斯推測,嚴重的全球金融沖擊也可能鼓勵人們使用布里斯托爾英鎊等本土貨幣或加密貨幣。他還認為,地方信用社,還有借貸圈等“非正統方式”都有望發(fā)展。
“如果疫情過去,五年后金融創(chuàng)新能留下什么?”戴維斯問道。“當然,我們會獲取一些測試結果。但更微妙的是,我們可能收獲一些新觀點,比如人類社會如何更有效地利用資金。”(財富中文網)
譯者:Feb
經濟學家兼作家理查德·戴維斯都經歷過,真的,而且經歷過很多次。
2006年到2011年,戴維斯在英格蘭銀行擔任經濟學家。G20和國際貨幣基金組織開會商討歐盟如何應對2008年金融危機時,他曾為英國談判代表提供咨詢。2016次英國退歐選舉期間,他擔任英國財政部長高級顧問。
很顯然,他感覺經歷的混亂還不夠多。離開政府后,戴維斯踏上全球之旅,后來寫成了《極端經濟》(Extreme Economies)一書,該書收集了1月美國公布的9個案例。戴維斯想了解經濟體遭遇困難時為何能成功適應,又為何會失敗。通過寫書,他從海嘯后的印度尼西亞回顧到后工業(yè)時代的格拉斯哥。
“我想尋找本應失敗卻成功存活的經濟,”戴維斯說,“還有本應繁榮卻最終失敗的經濟?!?/p>
所以戴維斯一直思考新冠病毒大流行的經濟后果和復蘇前景也就毫不奇怪。他最近一直忙著照顧剛出生的雙胞胎,本次抽出時間分享了一些重要的見解。
市場需要政府,政府也需要市場
“要利用市場,不能讓市場失控。”戴維斯說。他在巴拿馬達里安峽地區(qū)考察期間發(fā)現,當地人拼命爭奪木材導致災難性的森林砍伐,因此越發(fā)相信維持平衡的重要性。
“目前最明顯的例子是個人防護用品(PPE)市場?!彼又f?!坝行┱皇窃谥笓],不讓價格信號發(fā)揮作用,結果造成了巨大的混亂。然而如果走另一個極端完全讓市場決定,又會出現像英國一樣的‘價格欺詐’。”
“激進的弗里德曼主義,也就是完全自由主義的模式顯然是錯誤的,”戴維斯說?!暗帷ど5滤沟募みM主義也行不通。經濟學就是要問:何時能讓市場不受限制地運行,何時應該加以控制?”
不平等威脅到所有人
為了寫《極端經濟》,戴維斯前往一些能說明全球趨勢可能影響所有人的地方考察。為了研究不平等日益嚴重可能導致的后果,他去了智利圣地亞哥,當地超級富人和工薪階層之間的差距相當深遠,不僅阻礙了社會流動,也阻礙了創(chuàng)新和經濟增長。
戴維斯認為新冠病毒為全球對不平等及后果敲響了警鐘。“我們意識到護士跟醫(yī)生一樣重要,亞馬遜的員工為護士提供裝備也非常重要?!彼f?!拔矣X得這是好事。關于不平等……等疫情過去后會有大討論,因為我們都意識到相互依存的關系?!?/p>
信任是最重要的資產,正面臨風險
戴維斯認為,“社會資本”可能是成功經濟體最容易忽視的因素,尤其是從沖擊中復蘇的經濟體。不管是達里安的無政府狀態(tài),還是圣地亞哥的不平等,都加劇了人們的不信任和疏遠,影響了經濟發(fā)展,而印度尼西亞班達亞齊由于社區(qū)聯系強大,推動當地迅速從2004年海嘯幾乎一片荒廢中恢復。
“社會資本的價值在于能提升其他類型的資本,例如金融資本、實物資本?!彼f?!瓣P鍵是分享。如果社會資本很高,投入一點物質資本會就可以實現提升。如果能搭建本地化的信貸系統,金融信貸可以更穩(wěn)定發(fā)揮作用。社會資本較高的社區(qū)在管理流行病和從中恢復的能力更強?!?/p>
戴維斯說,地震或戰(zhàn)爭中,社區(qū)可以積攢社會資本,因為要團結起來對抗共同的敵人。但他擔心,從新冠危機的發(fā)展來看,可能威脅到從危機中恢復最重要的事。
“目前還沒有戰(zhàn)時心態(tài),”他說?!斑€存在大量批評,”比如美國零星的反封鎖抗議?!拔覍Ξ斍拔C最擔心的就是,疫情不斷侵蝕社會資本,更廣義地說會侵蝕民族情緒?!?/p>
非正規(guī)經濟至關重要
戴維斯的書還考察了充滿驚人活力的約旦扎塔里難民營。難民營里,在非政府組織建立的限制性援助系統之外,敘利亞難民經營著服裝店、寵物店和臺球場,生意相當繁忙。
“我以前認為非正規(guī)經濟很小眾?!贝骶S斯說?!暗F在我認為,大多數(經濟學家)真正評估的經濟只有實際的一半左右?!边@意味著GDP等官方數據還有經濟學家和央行使用的模型,都無法判斷病毒引發(fā)的全部后果,特別是在發(fā)展中國家。
戴維斯還發(fā)現,非正規(guī)經濟系統也是危機后復蘇的關鍵。他說,危機過后,“充滿機會主義精神的當地人反應迅速,比國際貨幣基金組織等機構要快得多。如果能給人們購買力,他們就會出去買需要的東西,如果買不到,他們會組織鄰近城鎮(zhèn)的企業(yè)家集體采購?!?/p>
錢會變
全球很多政府都迅速采取行動,希望提升人們的購買力。但從美國的小企業(yè)過橋貸款,還有失業(yè)救濟擴大的驚人混亂狀況來看,很多國家確實需要升級正規(guī)金融體系。
“現代的危機應對工具,就是政府知道我們擁有的銀行賬戶?!贝骶S斯說?!岸胰魏螘r候都能獲得一定數額的資金。通過注入大量購買力,推動市場恢復正常運轉,援助才可以真正奏效?!?/p>
特殊情況下,不太正規(guī)的金融創(chuàng)新也能蓬勃發(fā)展?!霸谖C時期,”戴維斯說,“人們能迅速建立新貨幣,做好新的財務安排?!崩纾稑O端經濟》當中的一章探討了路易斯安那州安哥拉監(jiān)獄的經濟,獄中禁止使用美元后,人們用鯖魚罐頭當貨幣。
戴維斯推測,嚴重的全球金融沖擊也可能鼓勵人們使用布里斯托爾英鎊等本土貨幣或加密貨幣。他還認為,地方信用社,還有借貸圈等“非正統方式”都有望發(fā)展。
“如果疫情過去,五年后金融創(chuàng)新能留下什么?”戴維斯問道?!爱斎?,我們會獲取一些測試結果。但更微妙的是,我們可能收獲一些新觀點,比如人類社會如何更有效地利用資金?!保ㄘ敻恢形木W)
譯者:Feb
Economist and writer Richard Davies has been here before—quite literally, and many times.
As an economist at the Bank of England from 2006 to 2011, Davies advised U.K. negotiators at the G20 and IMF meetings that organized the EU’s response to the 2008 financial crisis. He was later a senior advisor to the U.K.’s finance minister during the runup to the 2016 Brexit vote.
Apparently that wasn’t enough economic chaos for him. After leaving government, Davies started the global tour that became the book Extreme Economies, a collection of nine case studies published in the U.S. in January. Davies wanted to learn how economies succeeded in adapting—or failed to adapt—to hard times, a mission that took him from post-tsunami Indonesia to post-industrial Glasgow.
“I looked for places that should have failed,” says Davies, “but ended up with a working economy; and places that should have thriving economies, but failed.”
Not surprisingly, Davies has been thinking a lot about the coronavirus pandemic, its economic consequences—and the outlook for recovery. He recently took time out from caring for his newborn twins to share some of his most important insights.
Markets need governments, and vice versa
“You have to use markets, but you can’t let markets run amok,” says Davies. His time in Panama’s Darien Gap region, where an unregulated scramble for wood has led to catastrophic deforestation, helped convince him of the importance of that balance.
“The prime example right now is the market for PPE [medical protective equipment]," he continues. "Some governments are just directing it, and not letting price signals work, which is causing huge mess-ups. And if you go to the other extreme and just let markets run, you wind up with the price gouging we have here in the U.K.”
“An aggressively Friedmanite, fully libertarian model is clearly wrong,” Davies argues, invoking economist Milton Friedman. “But the Bernie Sanders extreme isn’t going to work either. Economics is about [asking], 'Where can we let markets run untrammeled, and where should we control them?'”
Inequality threatens everyone
For Extreme Economies, Davies visited places that illustrate where global trends could take the rest of us. To study where growing inequality could lead, he went to Santiago, Chile, where the gap between the ultra-rich and working people is profound and deep, stalling not only social mobility, but innovation and economic growth.
Davies sees coronavirus as a global wake-up call on inequality and its consequences. “We’ve realized that the nurse is as important as the doctor, and that the Amazon worker providing stuff to the nurse is also massively important," he says. "I think that’s a good thing. The inequality debate...is going to be huge after this, because we recognize that interdependence.”
Trust is our greatest asset—and it’s at risk
Davies argues that “social capital” is perhaps the most overlooked ingredient in successful economies, especially those recovering from a shock. Darien’s lawlessness and Santiago’s inequity have hampered their local economies by fueling distrust and alienation among residents, while the strong community in Banda Aceh, Indonesia, helped that city bounce back quickly from near-total destruction by a 2004 tsunami.
“Social capital works by making other types of capital – financial, physical – go further,” he says. “It’s about sharing things. If you’ve got high social capital, one bit of physical capital goes further. You can have localized credit systems, so financial credit can go further. Communities where social capital is higher are going to be much better off in their ability both to manage this pandemic, and to recover from it.”
In an earthquake or a war, Davies says, communities can gain social capital because they’re drawn together by a common enemy. But he worries that the specific contours of the coronavirus crisis are a threat to the very thing we most need to recover from it.
“We’re not seeing the wartime mentality,” he says. “Actually we’re seeing masses of criticism,” such as scattered anti-lockdown protests in the U.S. “One of my fears for this crisis is that it’s actively eroding social capital, or national sentiment more broadly.”
The informal economy is vital
Davies’ book also examines the surprisingly vibrant Zaatari refugee camp in Jordan. There, Syrian refugees run clothing shops, pet stores, and pool halls that do bustling business—outside of the restrictive aid systems set up by the NGOs that oversee the camp.
“I used to think the informal economy was a niche thing,” Davies says. “I now think most [economists] are literally measuring about half of what’s going on.” That means that official numbers like GDP, and the models used by economists and central banks, won’t capture the full consequences of coronavirus, especially in the developing world.
But Davies has also found that informal systems are key to post-crisis recovery. After a crisis, he says, “opportunistic locals will react lightning- quick, much faster than [agencies like] the IMF. If you can just get buying power into people’s hands, they will go out and buy what they need, and if it’s not there, they’ll organize an entrepreneur from a neighboring town to get it in.”
Money will change
Many governments worldwide have acted swiftly to try and get that buying power into people’s hands. But the U.S., with its small-business bridge loans and expanded unemployment benefits in shocking disarray, is emblematic of the need to upgrade the formal financial systems of many countries.
“A modern crisis response tool,” says Davies, “would be a bank account that the government knew we had, and at any moment it could be topped up with a certain amount of money. Because getting the markets to work for you by injecting a load of spending power is where aid works really well.”
Less formal financial innovations also tend to thrive under extraordinary circumstances. “In times of crisis,” Davies says, “People are able to very quickly build new currencies, and new financial arrangements.” One chapter of Extreme Economies, for instance, explores the economy of Louisiana’s Angola penitentiary, where dollars are barred and canned mackerel serves as currency.
Davies speculates that a serious global financial shock could also encourage the adoption of homegrown local currencies like the Bristol Pound, or of cryptocurrencies. He also sees promise in local credit unions, and in “really unorthodox things” such as lending circles.
“What’s going to be the five year legacy of this?" asks Davies. “Testing, of course. But a more subtle legacy might be some real new ideas about how we as communities can target our funds in the most effective way.”