據(jù)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家預(yù)測(cè),如果沒(méi)有良好的政策跟進(jìn),全球新冠疫情對(duì)女性的負(fù)面影響將超過(guò)男性,從而將進(jìn)一步加劇現(xiàn)有的性別不平等。
當(dāng)重大疫情或?yàn)?zāi)難發(fā)生時(shí),現(xiàn)有的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)差距就會(huì)暴露出來(lái)。這些差距會(huì)隨著災(zāi)難持續(xù)而越發(fā)明顯。對(duì)于不同的社會(huì)群體來(lái)說(shuō),他們從災(zāi)難中恢復(fù)的速度也不同。而它給社會(huì)部分群體帶來(lái)的影響,有可能永遠(yuǎn)也無(wú)法恢復(fù)。
美國(guó)哥倫比亞大學(xué)巴納德學(xué)院的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)助理教授貝琳達(dá)·阿齊邦在研究了疫情對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的影響后指出:“女性的經(jīng)濟(jì)恢復(fù)速度可能比男性要慢,這可能進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)大現(xiàn)有的男女薪酬差距,并且減慢全球女性獲取成就的步伐?!?/p>
這一論斷是經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們研究了全球多次經(jīng)濟(jì)和健康危機(jī)之后得出的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)結(jié)論——比如美國(guó)的卡特里娜風(fēng)災(zāi),和每隔十幾年就會(huì)襲擊非洲北部的腦膜炎疫情。通過(guò)研究政府和個(gè)人如何應(yīng)對(duì)這些事件的影響,經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們就可以創(chuàng)建一套“劇本”,幫助政府和社會(huì)更好地應(yīng)對(duì)未來(lái)的疫情或“意外災(zāi)害”造成的負(fù)面影響。
卡耐基梅隆大學(xué)泰珀商學(xué)院的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)教授塞文·葉爾特金表示,在已經(jīng)存在“結(jié)構(gòu)性差異”的所有領(lǐng)域,疫情給人造成的影響可能會(huì)是終身的。在美國(guó)和歐洲,就業(yè)和工資上的性別差距將進(jìn)一步拉大;同樣的情況也發(fā)生在非洲和亞洲,而當(dāng)?shù)亟逃Y源的分配不均還會(huì)使性別差距問(wèn)題進(jìn)一步惡化。
葉爾特金表示:“這次疫情給我們帶來(lái)的打擊,很可能會(huì)拉長(zhǎng)性別平權(quán)的進(jìn)程。我認(rèn)為很可能要等上一代人的時(shí)間,比如再過(guò)30年,這種差距才會(huì)顯著縮小?!?/p>
這是因?yàn)樵谝咔楸l(fā)之前,我們剛好踩在一個(gè)重要的時(shí)間點(diǎn)上。
葉爾特金說(shuō):“我們已經(jīng)處在一個(gè)既將創(chuàng)造‘大新聞’的階段了。”在疫情爆發(fā)前,美國(guó)國(guó)家女子足球隊(duì)的境遇已經(jīng)引起了人們對(duì)男女薪酬不平等問(wèn)題的關(guān)注。 “指針只移動(dòng)了一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)。”然而隨著疫情的爆發(fā),美國(guó)人民集體進(jìn)入“避難”模式,幾百萬(wàn)兒童無(wú)學(xué)可上,葉爾特金發(fā)現(xiàn),這個(gè)指針又開(kāi)始往回倒退了。
葉爾特金對(duì)《財(cái)富》表示:“在過(guò)去一周半左右的時(shí)間里,我在Zoom上接了無(wú)數(shù)的電話?!弊鳛樘╃晟虒W(xué)院的高級(jí)副院長(zhǎng),葉爾特金要負(fù)責(zé)在不到一周的時(shí)間里,把整個(gè)大學(xué)的3000多門(mén)課程改成網(wǎng)課。
“我們所有的會(huì)議都在Zoom上開(kāi)。你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn),所有女性都是在家里登陸的。她們都是受過(guò)高等教育、很有成就的女性,但是在視頻的背景中,你可以看見(jiàn)她們的孩子在跑來(lái)跑去。這樣的話,你就肯定會(huì)分心,或者暫時(shí)離開(kāi)一會(huì)兒,去做一些事情?!?/p>
相比之下,男性要么是在大學(xué)的辦公室里登陸,要么即便是在家里登陸,也是在屬于自己的私人房間,不必受孩子或其他家庭成員的打擾。葉爾特金表示,即便在學(xué)術(shù)界,“這雖然是一份白領(lǐng)的工作,但現(xiàn)實(shí)就是這樣,無(wú)論從個(gè)例還是從總體數(shù)據(jù)看都是一樣的?!?/p>
因此,在疫情期間,女性在家辦公的效率很可能低于同樣在家辦公的男性。阿奇邦認(rèn)為:“再加上女性就應(yīng)該在家里做家務(wù)的成見(jiàn),情況就變得更加糟糕?!奔幢阍诿绹?guó)這樣的社會(huì)也是一樣。
機(jī)會(huì)成本
如果一個(gè)家庭的夫妻雙方都有全職的工作,那么遭遇疫情沖擊時(shí),理所應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)貞?yīng)當(dāng)確保賺錢(qián)更多的那個(gè)人去工作。但這種機(jī)會(huì)成本的計(jì)算方法對(duì)女性很不利(盡管根據(jù)美國(guó)勞工部今年一月份發(fā)布的數(shù)據(jù),美國(guó)就業(yè)人口中女性的比例已經(jīng)超過(guò)了男性,達(dá)到50.4%。)
這是為什么呢?因?yàn)橛谐浞值淖C據(jù)表明,美國(guó)女性的收入大約只有男性的七成。德美利證券最近的一項(xiàng)調(diào)查顯示,超過(guò)半數(shù)的美國(guó)女性表示,她們的收入少于她們的伴侶。而美國(guó)進(jìn)步中心的一份最新報(bào)告表明,美國(guó)有64%的兼職工作是由女性完成的。葉爾特金指出,在新冠肺炎疫情等經(jīng)濟(jì)困難時(shí)期,企業(yè)都在拼命削減成本,因此這些兼職工作總是最先被裁掉的崗位。
最后從全球角度看:聯(lián)合國(guó)今年3月初曾表示,世界上迄今沒(méi)有一個(gè)國(guó)家實(shí)現(xiàn)了真正的性別平等。在薪酬平等方面,美國(guó)在153個(gè)國(guó)家中只能排到第53位。
因此,在美國(guó)乃至全世界的大多數(shù)家庭看來(lái),“疫情期間,重點(diǎn)是男人要干好工作,保住飯碗,而女人則要照顧好孩子和家庭。這種情況無(wú)疑將使問(wèn)題進(jìn)一步惡化?!比~爾特金說(shuō)。
此前美國(guó)勞工部曾宣布,隨著女性在美國(guó)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上的比重越來(lái)越大,很可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致美國(guó)企業(yè)出現(xiàn)結(jié)構(gòu)性變化,比如增加帶薪產(chǎn)假,或者在工作時(shí)間上出臺(tái)更靈活的安排?,F(xiàn)在看來(lái),這些只不過(guò)是一個(gè)暫時(shí)還實(shí)現(xiàn)不了的預(yù)言罷了。
葉爾特金表示:“不幸的是,疫情的沖擊還可能產(chǎn)生一些永久性的影響,使這些努力徹底白費(fèi)?!彼M(jìn)一步指出,如果你仔細(xì)觀察勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上的文化心態(tài),你就會(huì)明白,它為什么“對(duì)女性很不利”。
為什么受傷的總是女孩?
在一個(gè)家庭里,如果一個(gè)孩子到了可以照顧兄弟姐妹的年齡,往往也是女孩成為“扶弟魔”。這種現(xiàn)象在美國(guó)也很普遍。
阿奇邦指出:“父母?jìng)兓蛎骰虬档囟加羞@樣的態(tài)度,他們認(rèn)為女孩或者說(shuō)女人更善于照顧家庭。如果所有人現(xiàn)在都在家學(xué)習(xí),那么女孩不僅自己要學(xué)習(xí),還要照顧弟弟妹妹,這肯定會(huì)對(duì)她的學(xué)習(xí)造成很大影響。所以這絕對(duì)是個(gè)值得注意的問(wèn)題。”
阿奇邦在研究撒哈拉以南非洲的腦膜炎疫情時(shí),發(fā)現(xiàn)了一種更極端的應(yīng)對(duì)機(jī)制。腦膜炎是一種會(huì)感染腦部和肺部的疾病,大概每8到14年流行一次,其影響波及北部非洲的23個(gè)國(guó)家,受影響人口達(dá)7億以上。如果不治療,死亡率可達(dá)50%。阿奇邦重點(diǎn)研究了腦膜炎疫情的短期和長(zhǎng)期影響,以及政策制訂者可以制訂哪些政策緩解疫情的影響,尤其是在教育、健康、收入和失業(yè)這四個(gè)重要問(wèn)題上。
以教育為例。父母不愿意像投資男孩一樣,為女孩的教育投資,這既有文化上的原因,也有經(jīng)濟(jì)上的考慮:女性的工作機(jī)會(huì)可能沒(méi)有男性那么多,愿意雇傭女性員工的企業(yè)也相對(duì)較少。即便企業(yè)愿意雇傭女性,付給的薪酬也不如男性——全球大多數(shù)國(guó)家都是如此,也包括歐洲和美國(guó)。
“所以作為父母,我會(huì)想:‘當(dāng)我的成本增加時(shí),我該怎樣確保效益最大化?也許我應(yīng)該減少對(duì)女兒教育的投資,讓女兒去照顧生病的家庭成員’。”阿奇邦解釋道。
阿奇邦發(fā)現(xiàn),在歷次疫情中,這種現(xiàn)象都在反復(fù)上演。她還發(fā)現(xiàn),只要一個(gè)女孩輟學(xué)三個(gè)月以上,基本上就再也不會(huì)繼續(xù)接受教育了。
阿奇邦認(rèn)為:“政策應(yīng)該放在讓女孩和兒童(不論男女)回到學(xué)校上,確保所有孩子的教育不會(huì)因?yàn)橐咔槎絷?duì)。因?yàn)槿绻闶芙逃某潭缺容^低,你獲得高薪工作的機(jī)會(huì)就更少,你就更難有機(jī)會(huì)跨越經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)的階層。”
阿奇邦認(rèn)為,一旦女性因疫情而失學(xué),隨之而來(lái)的,就是一個(gè)貧困的代際循環(huán)。也就是說(shuō),一個(gè)女孩如果從小輟學(xué)了,等她成為母親后,她能給孩子提供的教育也就更少。
如何減輕負(fù)面影響
阿奇邦和葉爾特金都表示,好的政策可以扭轉(zhuǎn)這種局面。
阿奇邦表示:“如果在勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)、失業(yè)和健康方面,沒(méi)有真正有針對(duì)性的、協(xié)調(diào)一致的、強(qiáng)有力的政府政策和投資,那么即使是在美國(guó),招聘、就業(yè)和工資上的性別差距也會(huì)繼續(xù)擴(kuò)大。在這些方面,制度是非常非常非常重要的,政府的行動(dòng)對(duì)于長(zhǎng)期的結(jié)果也是非常非常非常重要的?!?/p>
葉爾特金的研究重點(diǎn)是設(shè)計(jì)與社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)和政府債務(wù)管理相關(guān)的財(cái)政政策。她表示,要想減輕疫情的影響,政策就必須具有針對(duì)性。
“雖然從操作層面上來(lái)說(shuō),給每個(gè)人發(fā)1000美元要容易得多——因?yàn)槟悴挥脫?dān)心做選擇的問(wèn)題,但這并非正確的政策。政策是需要量體裁衣的,需要瞄準(zhǔn)最脆弱的人群。”而女性恰恰在這些弱勢(shì)人群中占了很高的比例。很多女性從事的是不重要的服務(wù)行業(yè),工資是按小時(shí)計(jì)酬的。“我們首先需要解決公共衛(wèi)生危機(jī),這樣才能擺脫經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)。但是在經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中,有一些群體受到了更大的負(fù)面影響——他們并不是那些可以在家辦公,繼續(xù)拿薪水的白領(lǐng)男性。”
葉爾特金認(rèn)為,如果疫情導(dǎo)致很多企業(yè)停工到秋天,也就是說(shuō)美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯六七個(gè)月,那么“美國(guó)的性別平權(quán)進(jìn)程很可能要倒退幾年的時(shí)間?!保ㄘ?cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:隋遠(yuǎn)洙
據(jù)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家預(yù)測(cè),如果沒(méi)有良好的政策跟進(jìn),全球新冠疫情對(duì)女性的負(fù)面影響將超過(guò)男性,從而將進(jìn)一步加劇現(xiàn)有的性別不平等。
當(dāng)重大疫情或?yàn)?zāi)難發(fā)生時(shí),現(xiàn)有的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)差距就會(huì)暴露出來(lái)。這些差距會(huì)隨著災(zāi)難持續(xù)而越發(fā)明顯。對(duì)于不同的社會(huì)群體來(lái)說(shuō),他們從災(zāi)難中恢復(fù)的速度也不同。而它給社會(huì)部分群體帶來(lái)的影響,有可能永遠(yuǎn)也無(wú)法恢復(fù)。
美國(guó)哥倫比亞大學(xué)巴納德學(xué)院的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)助理教授貝琳達(dá)·阿齊邦在研究了疫情對(duì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的影響后指出:“女性的經(jīng)濟(jì)恢復(fù)速度可能比男性要慢,這可能進(jìn)一步擴(kuò)大現(xiàn)有的男女薪酬差距,并且減慢全球女性獲取成就的步伐?!?/p>
這一論斷是經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們研究了全球多次經(jīng)濟(jì)和健康危機(jī)之后得出的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)結(jié)論——比如美國(guó)的卡特里娜風(fēng)災(zāi),和每隔十幾年就會(huì)襲擊非洲北部的腦膜炎疫情。通過(guò)研究政府和個(gè)人如何應(yīng)對(duì)這些事件的影響,經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家們就可以創(chuàng)建一套“劇本”,幫助政府和社會(huì)更好地應(yīng)對(duì)未來(lái)的疫情或“意外災(zāi)害”造成的負(fù)面影響。
卡耐基梅隆大學(xué)泰珀商學(xué)院的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)教授塞文·葉爾特金表示,在已經(jīng)存在“結(jié)構(gòu)性差異”的所有領(lǐng)域,疫情給人造成的影響可能會(huì)是終身的。在美國(guó)和歐洲,就業(yè)和工資上的性別差距將進(jìn)一步拉大;同樣的情況也發(fā)生在非洲和亞洲,而當(dāng)?shù)亟逃Y源的分配不均還會(huì)使性別差距問(wèn)題進(jìn)一步惡化。
葉爾特金表示:“這次疫情給我們帶來(lái)的打擊,很可能會(huì)拉長(zhǎng)性別平權(quán)的進(jìn)程。我認(rèn)為很可能要等上一代人的時(shí)間,比如再過(guò)30年,這種差距才會(huì)顯著縮小?!?/p>
這是因?yàn)樵谝咔楸l(fā)之前,我們剛好踩在一個(gè)重要的時(shí)間點(diǎn)上。
葉爾特金說(shuō):“我們已經(jīng)處在一個(gè)既將創(chuàng)造‘大新聞’的階段了?!痹谝咔楸l(fā)前,美國(guó)國(guó)家女子足球隊(duì)的境遇已經(jīng)引起了人們對(duì)男女薪酬不平等問(wèn)題的關(guān)注。 “指針只移動(dòng)了一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)?!比欢S著疫情的爆發(fā),美國(guó)人民集體進(jìn)入“避難”模式,幾百萬(wàn)兒童無(wú)學(xué)可上,葉爾特金發(fā)現(xiàn),這個(gè)指針又開(kāi)始往回倒退了。
葉爾特金對(duì)《財(cái)富》表示:“在過(guò)去一周半左右的時(shí)間里,我在Zoom上接了無(wú)數(shù)的電話。”作為泰珀商學(xué)院的高級(jí)副院長(zhǎng),葉爾特金要負(fù)責(zé)在不到一周的時(shí)間里,把整個(gè)大學(xué)的3000多門(mén)課程改成網(wǎng)課。
“我們所有的會(huì)議都在Zoom上開(kāi)。你會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn),所有女性都是在家里登陸的。她們都是受過(guò)高等教育、很有成就的女性,但是在視頻的背景中,你可以看見(jiàn)她們的孩子在跑來(lái)跑去。這樣的話,你就肯定會(huì)分心,或者暫時(shí)離開(kāi)一會(huì)兒,去做一些事情?!?/p>
相比之下,男性要么是在大學(xué)的辦公室里登陸,要么即便是在家里登陸,也是在屬于自己的私人房間,不必受孩子或其他家庭成員的打擾。葉爾特金表示,即便在學(xué)術(shù)界,“這雖然是一份白領(lǐng)的工作,但現(xiàn)實(shí)就是這樣,無(wú)論從個(gè)例還是從總體數(shù)據(jù)看都是一樣的?!?/p>
因此,在疫情期間,女性在家辦公的效率很可能低于同樣在家辦公的男性。阿奇邦認(rèn)為:“再加上女性就應(yīng)該在家里做家務(wù)的成見(jiàn),情況就變得更加糟糕?!奔幢阍诿绹?guó)這樣的社會(huì)也是一樣。
機(jī)會(huì)成本
如果一個(gè)家庭的夫妻雙方都有全職的工作,那么遭遇疫情沖擊時(shí),理所應(yīng)當(dāng)?shù)貞?yīng)當(dāng)確保賺錢(qián)更多的那個(gè)人去工作。但這種機(jī)會(huì)成本的計(jì)算方法對(duì)女性很不利(盡管根據(jù)美國(guó)勞工部今年一月份發(fā)布的數(shù)據(jù),美國(guó)就業(yè)人口中女性的比例已經(jīng)超過(guò)了男性,達(dá)到50.4%。)
這是為什么呢?因?yàn)橛谐浞值淖C據(jù)表明,美國(guó)女性的收入大約只有男性的七成。德美利證券最近的一項(xiàng)調(diào)查顯示,超過(guò)半數(shù)的美國(guó)女性表示,她們的收入少于她們的伴侶。而美國(guó)進(jìn)步中心的一份最新報(bào)告表明,美國(guó)有64%的兼職工作是由女性完成的。葉爾特金指出,在新冠肺炎疫情等經(jīng)濟(jì)困難時(shí)期,企業(yè)都在拼命削減成本,因此這些兼職工作總是最先被裁掉的崗位。
最后從全球角度看:聯(lián)合國(guó)今年3月初曾表示,世界上迄今沒(méi)有一個(gè)國(guó)家實(shí)現(xiàn)了真正的性別平等。在薪酬平等方面,美國(guó)在153個(gè)國(guó)家中只能排到第53位。
因此,在美國(guó)乃至全世界的大多數(shù)家庭看來(lái),“疫情期間,重點(diǎn)是男人要干好工作,保住飯碗,而女人則要照顧好孩子和家庭。這種情況無(wú)疑將使問(wèn)題進(jìn)一步惡化。”葉爾特金說(shuō)。
此前美國(guó)勞工部曾宣布,隨著女性在美國(guó)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上的比重越來(lái)越大,很可能會(huì)導(dǎo)致美國(guó)企業(yè)出現(xiàn)結(jié)構(gòu)性變化,比如增加帶薪產(chǎn)假,或者在工作時(shí)間上出臺(tái)更靈活的安排?,F(xiàn)在看來(lái),這些只不過(guò)是一個(gè)暫時(shí)還實(shí)現(xiàn)不了的預(yù)言罷了。
葉爾特金表示:“不幸的是,疫情的沖擊還可能產(chǎn)生一些永久性的影響,使這些努力徹底白費(fèi)。”她進(jìn)一步指出,如果你仔細(xì)觀察勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)上的文化心態(tài),你就會(huì)明白,它為什么“對(duì)女性很不利”。
為什么受傷的總是女孩?
在一個(gè)家庭里,如果一個(gè)孩子到了可以照顧兄弟姐妹的年齡,往往也是女孩成為“扶弟魔”。這種現(xiàn)象在美國(guó)也很普遍。
阿奇邦指出:“父母?jìng)兓蛎骰虬档囟加羞@樣的態(tài)度,他們認(rèn)為女孩或者說(shuō)女人更善于照顧家庭。如果所有人現(xiàn)在都在家學(xué)習(xí),那么女孩不僅自己要學(xué)習(xí),還要照顧弟弟妹妹,這肯定會(huì)對(duì)她的學(xué)習(xí)造成很大影響。所以這絕對(duì)是個(gè)值得注意的問(wèn)題?!?/p>
阿奇邦在研究撒哈拉以南非洲的腦膜炎疫情時(shí),發(fā)現(xiàn)了一種更極端的應(yīng)對(duì)機(jī)制。腦膜炎是一種會(huì)感染腦部和肺部的疾病,大概每8到14年流行一次,其影響波及北部非洲的23個(gè)國(guó)家,受影響人口達(dá)7億以上。如果不治療,死亡率可達(dá)50%。阿奇邦重點(diǎn)研究了腦膜炎疫情的短期和長(zhǎng)期影響,以及政策制訂者可以制訂哪些政策緩解疫情的影響,尤其是在教育、健康、收入和失業(yè)這四個(gè)重要問(wèn)題上。
以教育為例。父母不愿意像投資男孩一樣,為女孩的教育投資,這既有文化上的原因,也有經(jīng)濟(jì)上的考慮:女性的工作機(jī)會(huì)可能沒(méi)有男性那么多,愿意雇傭女性員工的企業(yè)也相對(duì)較少。即便企業(yè)愿意雇傭女性,付給的薪酬也不如男性——全球大多數(shù)國(guó)家都是如此,也包括歐洲和美國(guó)。
“所以作為父母,我會(huì)想:‘當(dāng)我的成本增加時(shí),我該怎樣確保效益最大化?也許我應(yīng)該減少對(duì)女兒教育的投資,讓女兒去照顧生病的家庭成員’?!卑⑵姘罱忉尩?。
阿奇邦發(fā)現(xiàn),在歷次疫情中,這種現(xiàn)象都在反復(fù)上演。她還發(fā)現(xiàn),只要一個(gè)女孩輟學(xué)三個(gè)月以上,基本上就再也不會(huì)繼續(xù)接受教育了。
阿奇邦認(rèn)為:“政策應(yīng)該放在讓女孩和兒童(不論男女)回到學(xué)校上,確保所有孩子的教育不會(huì)因?yàn)橐咔槎絷?duì)。因?yàn)槿绻闶芙逃某潭缺容^低,你獲得高薪工作的機(jī)會(huì)就更少,你就更難有機(jī)會(huì)跨越經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)的階層。”
阿奇邦認(rèn)為,一旦女性因疫情而失學(xué),隨之而來(lái)的,就是一個(gè)貧困的代際循環(huán)。也就是說(shuō),一個(gè)女孩如果從小輟學(xué)了,等她成為母親后,她能給孩子提供的教育也就更少。
如何減輕負(fù)面影響
阿奇邦和葉爾特金都表示,好的政策可以扭轉(zhuǎn)這種局面。
阿奇邦表示:“如果在勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)、失業(yè)和健康方面,沒(méi)有真正有針對(duì)性的、協(xié)調(diào)一致的、強(qiáng)有力的政府政策和投資,那么即使是在美國(guó),招聘、就業(yè)和工資上的性別差距也會(huì)繼續(xù)擴(kuò)大。在這些方面,制度是非常非常非常重要的,政府的行動(dòng)對(duì)于長(zhǎng)期的結(jié)果也是非常非常非常重要的?!?/p>
葉爾特金的研究重點(diǎn)是設(shè)計(jì)與社會(huì)保險(xiǎn)和政府債務(wù)管理相關(guān)的財(cái)政政策。她表示,要想減輕疫情的影響,政策就必須具有針對(duì)性。
“雖然從操作層面上來(lái)說(shuō),給每個(gè)人發(fā)1000美元要容易得多——因?yàn)槟悴挥脫?dān)心做選擇的問(wèn)題,但這并非正確的政策。政策是需要量體裁衣的,需要瞄準(zhǔn)最脆弱的人群。”而女性恰恰在這些弱勢(shì)人群中占了很高的比例。很多女性從事的是不重要的服務(wù)行業(yè),工資是按小時(shí)計(jì)酬的。“我們首先需要解決公共衛(wèi)生危機(jī),這樣才能擺脫經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)。但是在經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)中,有一些群體受到了更大的負(fù)面影響——他們并不是那些可以在家辦公,繼續(xù)拿薪水的白領(lǐng)男性。”
葉爾特金認(rèn)為,如果疫情導(dǎo)致很多企業(yè)停工到秋天,也就是說(shuō)美國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)停滯六七個(gè)月,那么“美國(guó)的性別平權(quán)進(jìn)程很可能要倒退幾年的時(shí)間。”(財(cái)富中文網(wǎng))
譯者:隋遠(yuǎn)洙
Without good policies, economists predict that globally the coronavirus pandemic will hit women and girls harder than men and boys, worsening existing inequalities.
When pandemics hit or disasters occur, existing social and economic gaps are exposed. Those gaps then widen, leaving different sectors of society to recover at different rates; still others may never recover.
“Women might experience a slower financial recovery, which may widen the existing pay gap between men and women and slow the advances women have made worldwide,” says Belinda Archibong, an assistant professor of economics at Barnard College, Columbia University, in New York City, whose research tracks the economic fallout from epidemics.
It’s a socioeconomic outcome that is tracked by economists during times of economic and health distress, such as in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina or during meningitis epidemics that hit the northern swath of Africa every dozen or so years. By studying how people and governments react to the fallout from these smaller events, economists can create playbooks to help dampen the negative outcomes for future epidemics or “unexpected shocks.”
Sevin Yeltekin, professor of economics at the Tepper School of Business at Carnegie Mellon University, in Pittsburgh, says the pandemic’s effects could last a lifetime in all areas in which “a structural difference” already exists. In the U.S. and Europe, there will be a worsening of the gender gap in employment and in wages; in Africa and Asia, those gaps will widen, as will gender gaps in education.
“This particular hit that we are receiving right now is going to perhaps prolong the period of advancement a little bit longer,” says Yeltekin. “I think it’s going to be another generation, another 30 years, before that gap is significantly closed.”
That’s because of where we were on the gender gap timeline before the pandemic hit.
“We were only in the headline-making phase,” says Yeltekin, where vocal groups like [soccer’s] U.S. Women’s National Team were bringing attention to the gender pay gap. In reality, “the needle had moved only a little bit.” And, Yeltekin says, in just the few weeks since calls for sheltering in place became a new, national way of life and schools closed for millions of children, she can see that needle is already shifting back, in real time.
“I’ve been on a million Zoom calls over the last week and a half,” Yeltekin tells Fortune. As senior associate dean of education at the Tepper School of Business, Yeltekin was one of the people responsible for getting the university’s roughly 3,000 classes online in less than a week. “So we’re on all these Zoom meetings. And what you will see is women logging in from their homes. These are highly educated, incredibly accomplished women with children running around in the background. And, as a result, getting distracted or being pulled away for a second and having to go and do things.”
By contrast, the men on Yeltekin’s Zoom calls logged on from private rooms at home or from their university offices, undistracted by children or other family members. Even in academia, in “as white-collar as a job gets, it’s just what happens; that’s what we see anecdotally and also in the data in aggregate,” she says.
The result is that women who are working from home during the pandemic may be less productive over the same time frame than men working from home. It’s because of this “horrible confluence of existing gender norms that say women should do home production,” says Archibong, even in the U.S.
Opportunity cost
Even in a household where both husband and wife are professionals who work full-time, when up against an economic shock, the partner who makes more money is going to be the one whose work gets prioritized. And that opportunity cost principle doesn’t bode well for women, despite the Labor Department’s announcement in January that women now outnumber men on U.S. payrolls, holding 50.4% of jobs.
Here’s why: It’s well documented that women earn 70¢ on the dollar, which means less than men doing the same job. More than half of American women say they earn less than their partners, according to a recent survey by TD Ameritrade; more than 64% of part-time jobs are held by women, according to a new report by the Center for American Progress; and, says Yeltekin, those are the very jobs that are the first to be cut when businesses are trying to lower costs during any kind of downturn, such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
And finally, taking a global look, in early March the United Nations reported that no country in the world has achieved gender parity; the U.S. comes in at 53rd out of 153 countries in pay equality.
Therefore, in the majority of U.S. households and households all over the world, “the concentration is going to be to make sure that the man holds down his job by being able to perform his work duties, while the woman takes care of the children and the household. This general fact is going to exacerbate the problem, for sure,” says Yeltekin.
Predictions that swiftly followed the Labor Department’s announcement about how a heavier female footprint in the American workforce could result in structural changes to business, such as the addition of paid family leave and more flexible work hours, may now turn out to be nothing more than an unrealized forecast.
“Unfortunately, this particular shock may have a permanent effect to derail those efforts,” says Yeltekin, who further notes that when you add up the cultural attitudes with how the labor market works, you see how it’s “stacked against women.”
Why will girls lose out?
In families with children who are old enough to care for younger siblings, gender norms may also play out, even in the United States.
“Parents will oftentimes have these attitudes, implicitly or explicitly, that girls or women are better at taking care of the house and being caretakers,” says Archibong. “If everyone is home studying right now, and a daughter has to study for herself, and she also has to take care of her siblings, that could have a disproportionate impact on a girl’s ability to achieve and do well in terms of schooling. So that’s definitely a concern.”
Archibong sees an even more severe coping mechanism in her research tracking meningitis outbreaks in sub-Saharan Africa. An infection of the lungs and brain, meningitis hits 23 countries in Northern Africa every eight to 14 years, affects more than 700 million people, and has a 50% mortality rate if untreated. Archibong’s research focuses on understanding how epidemics play out in the short- and long-run and what policymakers can do to mitigate the effects, specifically with respect to four key issues: education, health, income, and unemployment.
Take education, for example. The reason that parents may not be willing to invest as much in their female children as their male children may be as much cultural as it is economic: There may not be as many jobs available for girls or women; there are fewer businesses that will hire women; and, when they do hire women, they may pay women less—which is true in most countries in the world, including Europe and the U.S.
“So as a parent I’m thinking, ‘Where am I going to get my biggest bang for the buck when I have these increased costs? Maybe I reduce the investment in my daughter’s education relative to my son’s, and my daughters can care for the sick family members,’” Archibong explains.
It’s an approach Archibong has documented in epidemic after epidemic. She has also found that, overwhelmingly, once a girl has been pulled from school, even for as little as three months, she tends to never go back.
“Policy really needs to focus on getting girls, children [overall], back into school and making sure no one falls off after an epidemic,” she says. “Because if you have less education, you have less of a chance of getting a well-paid job, and you even have less of a chance to move up in the economic social ladder.”
What follows, according to Archibong, is an intergenerational poverty cycle in which those women who were pulled from school as girls provide less of an education to their own children.
Mitigating the negative effects
Both Archibong and Yeltekin say good policies can alter the outcomes.
“If there isn’t really targeted, concerted, forceful government policy and spending on the labor market, unemployment, or health, then you could see widening of gender gaps in hiring, in employment, and gender gaps in wages even in the United States,” says Archibong. “This is where institutions really, really, really matter, government actions really, really, really matter in determining these longer-run outcomes.”
Yeltekin, whose research focuses on designing fiscal policy for social insurance and for management of government debt, says the policies that will work in the U.S. to ease the burden of the pandemic need to be targeted.
“While operationally it’s so much easier to give everybody $1,000, because you don’t have to worry about how to pick and choose, that’s not the right policy. The policy really needs to be tailored to focus on the most vulnerable,” who also happen to be disproportionately women, those working hourly wages in nonessential service industries, she says. “We need to solve the public health crisis so we can get rid of the economic crisis. But in the middle of the economic crisis, there are groups of people who are disproportionately adversely affected. It’s not going to be the white-collar male worker who can move his office home and continue to contribute and pick up a salary.”
If the pandemic forces the closure of businesses into the fall, and the economy is stalled for six to seven months, Yeltekin believes, “We will be turning back the clock on gender equality advances by a couple of years.”