美國最近發(fā)生的槍擊事件引發(fā)了諸多疑問，其中一個問題就是：兇手塔什芬?馬利克是誰？

與丈夫在圣貝納迪諾的假日聚會上大肆殺戮的馬利克，成為近期對西方發(fā)動恐怖襲擊的又一位女性，而ISIS宣稱對所有這些由女性實施的襲擊事件負責。這批人中還包括哈斯娜?阿布拉森，她為策劃巴黎恐怖襲擊的兇手提供掩護（兩人在抓捕過程中被一同擊斃），以及哈亞特?布美迪安。在法國《查理周刊》今年1月遭到襲擊后，她與男友阿米蒂?庫利巴利襲擊了一家超市并殺害了一名女警察，隨后逃往ISIS控制的地區(qū)。沒過幾周，她就在法國ISIS雜志《Dar al-Islam》的問答欄目上出現(xiàn)。

事實很清楚：女性也有可能成為恐怖分子。然而，這一現(xiàn)象仍然令人震驚，女性順從和顧家的形象依舊深入人心。以馬利克的事件為例：當局研究了她在沙特阿拉伯生活以及在家鄉(xiāng)巴基斯坦上大學的經(jīng)歷，仍然無法確定這對夫妻中究竟是誰唆使了這次襲擊。而目擊者表示，正是馬利克開了第一槍。與此同時，媒體和一些政治人物正在努力搞清，為什么這樣一位被一些人形容為“時髦”、“溫和”、“孝順”、“服從”的“羞澀的家庭主婦”會變成一個冷血殺手。

同樣的，許多人把關(guān)注點放在了馬利克是一名妻子而且剛成為母親上。針對她的母親身份，有人咒罵（母性本能本該阻止她的行為），有人辯護（產(chǎn)后抑郁癥才讓她做出這樣的極端舉動）。與此同時，她的丈夫賽義德?里茲萬?法魯克同樣拋棄了他們六個月大的女兒，這一事實卻被忽略不提。根據(jù)流傳的說法，這對夫妻通過約會網(wǎng)站相識，ISIS既沒有指導過也沒有聯(lián)系過她（盡管馬利克宣誓效忠ISIS，該組織隨后也把這對夫妻稱為其“支持者”）。不過這也沒有阻止一些人的猜測，他們認為ISIS正在安排一些激進的女性與意志不堅定的男性結(jié)婚。

在圣貝納迪諾的襲擊之后，還有許多問題等待解答。但目前可以肯定的是，馬利克對ISIS的支持屬于一種常見的模式。許多女性被這個組織所吸引，從事招募、宣傳和支持等工作，盡管這個組織以殘暴壓迫女性而聞名。據(jù)估計，大約有600名西方女性加入了ISIS，類似馬利克這樣的非西方女性估計要遠大于這個數(shù)字。據(jù)報道，僅僅突尼斯一個國家就有約700名女性來到敘利亞加入圣戰(zhàn)組織。盡管如此，我們似乎還是對倫敦女學生或是密西西比州前拉拉隊長試圖加入ISIS這樣的新聞更感興趣。

人們總是刻板地認為穆斯林女性處于從屬地位，尤其是在那些穆斯林為主的國家，這是我們理解ISIS為何吸引女性的主要障礙。我們還傾向于關(guān)注恐怖分子對女性的壓迫，這讓許多人難以相信女性會參與暴力的極端活動。毫無疑問，厭女癥常常讓女性成為恐怖主義的目標，無論是ISIS在敘利亞和利比亞的性暴力和綁架，還是最近發(fā)生在美國科羅拉多斯普林斯市一家計劃生育診所的槍擊事件?？屏_拉多恐襲的行兇者在作案后喃喃說道：“再沒有嬰兒尸體了”。然而，女性參與各種類型的恐怖活動也是由來已久。以ISIS為例，西方女性加入該組織的原因有許多與男性類似：感到不合群，認為社會不公，受婚姻伴侶的影響，渴望冒險，或是想要宣泄。而ISIS在使用英語和法語之外的語言吸引非西方女性時，這些因素如何起到作用，還需要進一步的跟蹤調(diào)查。

想要防止女性支持ISIS，就需要更好地理解和對待這些動機，開展更有針對性的活動和項目，吸引更多女性社會工作者、社區(qū)領(lǐng)袖和家庭成員來參加。女性可以是恐怖主義的行兇者和受害者，但同樣也可以成為解決方案的一部分。在重新思考恐怖主義對女性的策略時，我們也必須注意抵制活動帶來的風險，尤其是要避免西方公眾在ISIS的襲擊后對戴頭巾的穆斯林女性公開騷擾。此外，要解決這一問題，光做好女性的工作還不夠；在美國，任何危險人物都不應(yīng)當擁有那些更適合出現(xiàn)在遙遠戰(zhàn)場的槍支，而ISIS正在尋求將戰(zhàn)火燃燒到美國國內(nèi)。

確實，隨著ISIS越來越多地把暴力輸出到西方國家，馬利克在圣貝納迪諾襲擊中扮演的角色，提醒人們該組織對女性殺手的禁令也許已經(jīng)不可避免地放松了，或至少是更難執(zhí)行了。在當下的關(guān)鍵時刻，這一認知極為重要，槍擊事件直指女性犯罪的盲點，充分顯示我們還遠遠無法阻止她們的致命行動。（財富中文網(wǎng)）

杰恩?哈克比，杜克大學法學院國際人權(quán)中心法學副教授，是《性別、國家安全和反恐：人權(quán)視角》一書的合作主編。

譯者：嚴匡正

審校：任文科

With attacks in the United States come many questions, including: who was Tashfeen Malik?

We have a dangerous blind spot in seeing how someone can be a wife, a mother and a terrorist

After storming a holiday party in San Bernardino with her husband, Malik joins a string of women linked to recent high-profile attacks in the West for which ISIS has claimed credit. Her peers include Hasna Aitboulahcen, who sheltered the alleged mastermind of the recent Paris attacks before both died in the raid to capture him, as well as Hayat Boumeddiene, who fled to ISIS-held territory as her partner Amedy Coulibaly killed a policewoman and lay siege to a supermarket in Paris on the heels of the Charlie Hebdo attack in January. Within weeks, Boumeddiene was featured in a Q&A piece in Dar al-Islam, a French ISIS magazine.

The facts are clear: women can be terrorists, too. Yet, the phenomenon still seems to shock and tropes about female passivity and domesticity hold firm. Take the case of Malik: authorities are probing the time she spent living in Saudi Arabia and at university in her native Pakistan, unsure who in the couple instigated the attack. Witnesses are now describing how she shot first. Meanwhile, the media and some policymakers wrestle with how Malik, described by some as “modern,” “soft-spoken,” “obedient,” “submissive,” and a “shy housewife,” could turn into a killer.

Likewise, much is being made of Malik being a wife and a new mother. But while theories on Malik’s motherhood range from damning (maternal instincts should have stopped her) to exculpatory (postpartum psychosis made her do it), the fact that the father, Syed Rizwan Farook, also left behind their 6-month-old daughter goes unremarked upon. By all accounts the couple met through an online dating site and ISIS neither directed nor communicated with them (though Malik pledged allegiance to the group, who later called the couple its “supporters”). Yet this hasn’t stopped some from speculating that ISIS is now in the business of arranging marriages between radicalized women and unsure men.

In the wake of the San Bernardino attack, certainly there are still more questions than answers. But what is so far alleged about Malik’s support of ISIS fits a general pattern. Many women are drawn to the group, taking on recruitment, propaganda, and support roles despite the fact that it is known for its anti-women horrors. There are estimated to be 600 Western female ISIS recruits, but the number of non-Western women is believed to be much higher. Around 700 women from Tunisia alone have reportedly travelled to Syria to join jihadist groups. Despite this, we seem most fascinated with the specter of London schoolgirls or a former cheerleader from Mississippi trying to join the ranks of ISIS.

Stereotypes about the subservience of Muslim women, particularly those from Muslim-majority countries, are a major barrier to understanding the group’s appeal to women. So too is our tendency to fixate on how terrorists oppress women, a fact that many find difficult to reconcile with female involvement in violent extremism. There is no question that misogyny often puts women in terrorism’s crosshairs, whether it be ISIS’ sexual violence and kidnappings in Syria, Iraq and Libya or the recent attack on Planned Parenthood in Colorado Springs after which the shooter rambled about “no more baby parts.” But, so too have women long been involved in terrorism of all stripes and in the case of ISIS, its Western female recruits can be drawn by many of the same factors as men: alienation, inequality, marriage, adventure, and pull of the cause. How these factors play out when ISIS attracts women outside of the West, and in languages other than English and French, also needs tracing.

Efforts to prevent women from supporting ISIS need to better understand and address these push and pull factors, with programs better tailored to include more female caseworkers, community leaders, and family members. Just as women are perpetrators and victims of terrorism, they are also part of its solution. Risks of backlash must also factor in the re-think on terror strategies about women, not least to avoid the public harassment of Muslim women wearing hijab in the West that follows ISIS-related attacks. The answer, however, won’t always just be about women; in the United States, all dangerous people should be prevented from access to guns that are more suited to the far-away battlefields that ISIS now seeks to recreate on U.S. soil.

Instead, responses in the shooting’s aftermath based more on ignorance and fear than evidence have also pointed to a lingering blind spot on women perpetrators, and one that shows just how far we really are from tackling their deadly acts.

Jayne Huckerby, an associate clinical professor of law and the director of the International Human Rights Clinic at the Duke University School of Law, is a co-editor of “Gender, National Security and Counter-Terrorism: Human Rights Perspectives.”